Originally published in Bay Windows, November 1, 2007.
Governor Deval Patrick recently endorsed presidential candidate Barack Obama with the Red Sox reference: “Around here, we know how to come from behind and win.” His statement underlines just how deeply sports are ingrained in American culture. Sports are also, in our society, fundamentally gendered, with different teams, rules, and in some cases, whole different sports for males and females. Political scientist Eileen McDonagh and journalist Laura Pappano, in Playing with the Boys (Oxford University Press: 2008) have written a provocative work that looks more closely at the interaction between these two truths, in the process questioning traditional gender distinctions.
Sports in the U.S. are organized on the principle of “coercive sex segregation,” they say, keeping the genders apart based on presumptions of female inferiority, greater susceptibility to injury, and a sense of immorality (or at least impropriety) about sex-integrated competition. These ideas go back to the origins of organized sport in America, which began as a way to convey the social values needed by men in a newly industrial society. Women’s sports, however, were framed differently. “Girls could play, but had to be feminine so that real sports for males could remain celebrated displays of masculinity.”
Male-female differences in sport are not absolutes, however. In fact, McDonagh and Pappano assert, “sex-segregated policies construct sex difference, thereby articulating in athletic and public life the relative potency and status of what we mean by male and female.” Even today, “Despite enormous gains the fundamental norms are still firmly in place: women can play sports as long as their participation reinforces, rather than challenges, the view of women as heterosexually attractive and lesser athletes than men.” Men’s sports’ domination of the media reflects this bias. Women athletes may get attention—but often, as much for their looks as for their abilities. Unless we take steps towards greater parity, the authors say, we will continue to reinforce traditional gender roles and the lesser status of women.
As proof that sex differences are constructed, not inherent, they cite numerous examples of females who have held their own with males, from girls on Little League teams to ultramarathoner Pamela Reed. One must interpret this with care. They are not saying we should force females and males to compete against each other, nor that all females are capable of competing with males in any given sport. Athletic capabilities of the two genders are instead like overlapping bell curves. “Individual variability . . . ,” they say, “may trump gender-linked characteristics, perhaps as the result of individual body makeup, training, conditioning, diet, experience—or the physical challenge at hand.” Most importantly, “Motivation has no gender.” Sports, which in so many ways reflect the American value of individuality, must embrace this. Girls or women who are qualified to play on a male team should not have to go to court to do so, as many have.
McDonagh and Pappano also take a critical look at Title IX, the groundbreaking 1972 legislation that prohibited sex discrimination in educational programs receiving federal support. This led, as they acknowledge, to the opening up of athletic opportunities for women. At the same time, Title IX still explicitly allowed sex segregation in contact sports, and did not forbid compulsory sex segregation elsewhere. Courts have ruled, however, that the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution does not permit such segregation, even in contact sports.
The authors explore several LGBT angles of gender segregation as well. The historical bond of athletics and masculinity implied that male athletes were straight. Conversely, women who were athletic (beyond the genteel norms) must be lesbians. These assumptions have created barriers for both women and gay male athletes, although the authors observe that sports have also traditionally provided a safe haven for lesbians. Still, they say, the stereotype of female athletes as “mannish lesbians” has hindered support for women’s sports. The implication is that if we let male and female athletes compete together, sports would become less defined by masculinity, removing the above barriers. They also note that transgender and intersex athletes raise the question of how real the male-female dichotomy is, and how relevant “standard” male genetics is to athletic success. Good points, although I would have liked to see further exploration of what coed competition would mean for transgender and intersex athletes themselves.
McDonagh and Pappano suggest we must work towards greater opportunities for coed sports at every level, and parity in rules, ticket prices, salaries, marketing, and media coverage when the genders are separate. They also want to strengthen Title IX to forbid coercive sex segregation and promote financial equality between men’s and women’s teams. All of this “requires a new way of thinking and an active effort by parents and youth sports leaders” as well as by the community and government.
The benefit is not just for athletes. “Sports is the next battleground in the fight for gender equality,” they assert, with implications for women’s opportunities in business, politics, and society in general. They also hint at, but do not fully discuss, how this would benefit LGBT individuals across the spectrum.
The book wanders a bit, and sometimes repeat itself without need. I would have liked the section on the history of organized sports closer to the front. Still, it is destined to become a touchstone work for gender scholars, forward-thinking coaches, and parents who want their children to grow up in a world of equality.
u r totally rite i admire u for dat cuz it fair 4 us girls to have a chance 2 play wit da boiz